BOOK REVIEW
Title: BRUTALLY FRANK: THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EDWIN KIAGBODO CLARK.
Author: Chief E.K. CLARK
Number of Chapters: 25
Number of Pages: v-688
Publisher: Safari Books Limited Ibadan, 2023
ISBN: 978 – 978 – 59979 – 4, Paperback
978 – 978 – 59979 – 5, Hardback
Reviewer: Senator (Pof.) Oserheimen A. Osunbor.
I consider it a huge honour and privilege to do this review of Brutally Frank: The Autobiography of Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark, OFR, CON, a former classroom teacher, an accomplished legal practitioner, former Commissioner for Education and Commissioner for Finance and Establishment in Mid-West State, a former Minister of Information of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, past Senator in the Second Republic, a man that hates injustice and oppression with a passion, a defender of the defenceless especially minorities all over Nigeria and a fierce nationalist; a father, grandfather and great-grandfather; a quintessential Elder Statesman.
An Autobiography presents its author with an opportunity to tell his life story by himself as opposed to a biography which entails someone else telling the story.
In BRUTALLY FRANK, Senator Chief E.K. Clark, OFR, CON, has told his life story by himself in its original form.
BRUTALLY FRANK consists of a Dedication, Foreword, Acknowledgements and 25 Chapters, followed by five Appendices and an Index. It runs from pages v. to 688.
The Foreword was written by Former Head of State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General (Dr.) Yakubu Gowon (Rtd).
Chapter 1: A NOBLE HERITAGE
The author in this opening chapter traces his family tree and genealogy to Ngbile, founder of Kiagbodo Mein which now constitutes two wards in Burutu Local Government Area of Delta State, and is predominantly riverine. This account will be particularly fascinating to those familiar with that area and can easily connect with the personalities and places mentioned.
His story really begins in page 14 where he discusses his great grandfather Chief Ambekederemo Ogein (1841-1926) who was a palm produce merchant and traded with foreign merchants at the Royal Niger Company at Gana-Gana, an island which in later years was bought from UAC and is now owned by the author. He married over 100 wives.
The chapter also tells of his grandfather, Chief Fuludu Bekederemo (1878-1963) who was also a trader and a Warrant Chief. Chief Fuludu, though not educated, was the first politician in the family and he attended the Conference of Chiefs in Ibadan in 1943. He was a traditionalist and married 40 wives.
The author’s father was Chief Clark Fuludu Bekederemo (1904-1990). Early in their lives he sent the author, who was his first son and his three other brothers, Godfrey Clark, Akporode Clark and Pepper Clark to live with their grandmother (1938). Though not a politician, Chief Fuludu became a Councillor and later Customary Court Judge. He had 7 wives.
The author’s early life and career are discussed in pp. 27-34.
Chapter 2: HALCYON DAYS
This chapter dwells in greater details on his birth and immediate family setting, his early life, change of schools and movement to different locations by his father with the effect that when he wanted to commence secondary school with his other siblings, he was considered too old. He opted for a teachers’ training college and got admitted into the Teachers Training College, Abraka in 1949. Here he began to horn his leadership traits and knowledge of current affairs by being an avid reader of newspapers – Daily Times and The West African Pilot – which fired his nationalism and political awareness. This was soon to get him into trouble.
One day the Governor of Western Nigeria visited the College and after his speech was question time.
The author was the only student bold enough to ask a question which was – “Why was the Ooni of Ife and traditional rulers in the North honoured but not freedom fighters/nationalists like Nnamdi Azikiwe, Herbert Macaulay and Obafemi Awolowo; was it because they are fighting for Nigeria’s independence?”.
He was to be later reprimanded for his impudence and temerity but it was an early open display of what has become his most defining attribute – confronting perceived injustice and standing for what is right. His punishment was to wash plates of all students for three days.
He was however vindicated and commended by one of his teachers who “invited me to his school quarters, feted me and told me the prophetic words that I was bold and that he has seen that I would become somebody important in Nigeria in the future.
He had correctly noted that I showed signs early in life to have the ability to query what did not seem right to me” (p.43).
CHAPTER 3: FERVOUR FOR POLITICS
The author held Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and his politics in admiration and this fired his own interest in politics.
As a school boy he would walk 12 miles from Warri to Adeje along with other boys, to receive Zik and walk back to Warri to join his campaign. He became an ardent supporter of the Zikist Movement.
In his first political contest, the author defeated his own father in a Councillorship election. He used that office for Community development work which included building a shoreline along the Forcados river, in conjunction with American Peace Corps members (p.46). He was a teacher and Headmaster at this period.
This chapter recounts his Student Activist days in London where he went to read Law at Holborn College.
The author’s vivid recollection of names of his contemporaries, addresses of locations, the various socio-cultural organisations are quite impressive.
It also tells of the racial discrimination he encountered in his work place and his triumphant return to Nigeria on Elder Dempster shipping Line First Class Cabin, after bagging the golden fleece.
The author pays tribute to his brothers whose financial assistance assured that he was comfortable during his studies.
CHAPTER 4: FIRST SECRETARY OF THE WARRI BAR ASSOCIATION
Here the author recounts his time at the Nigeria Law School Lagos, his contemporaries and his return to Warri as the first lawyer in the family to the joy of his father and community. He narrates the challenges of a young lawyer settling down to build his law practice. He soon got involved in fighting injustice in the disputes between Ogbeh-Ijoh against Itsekiri.
He discusses other notable cases he handled and his active participation as a member of the Nigerian Bar Association Warri of which he was later elected Secretary.
Given his training as a Lawyer coupled with his political activism it was only a matter of time that he became involved in seeking to correct the disadvantaged position of the Ijaws, not only in Western region but also in Eastern region.
The formation of the Mid-West Movement led by Chief Dennis C. Osadebe of Asaba and the Willinks Minority Commission’s recommendations for addressing the grievances and fears of minorities are discussed in pp.65 and 66. It is a matter of regret that the recommendations in the Willinks Report in 1957 have largely failed to be addressed by successive governments even up till this very day.
At the outbreak of the civil war in 1967, the author became an unofficial adviser to the Military Government of Col. David Ejoor.
His account as to how the Biafran soldiers invaded and overran the Mid-West in 1967 without any resistance due to internal collusion within the military is narrated here vividly. It reads like a Thriller.
He narrates his narrow escape from Benin, deception from colleagues who probably had insider knowledge and were in collusion with the Biafrans, the escape of David Ejoor, the liberation of Mid-West by Federal troops led by Col. Samuel Ogbemudia, the tension in Mid-West and attempts to erect a Berlin wall at Agbor to separate the Igbo-speaking areas from the rest of the Mid-West and how the hostilities were resolved with reconciliations are all described in this chapter.
Chapter 5 : THE BUREAUCRAT
This chapter is devoted to the author’s years as a Commissioner, appointed by Colonel Samuel Ogbemudia, Military Administrator of Mid-West Sate, who named him Commissioner for Education. The author narrated his special relationship with Ogbemudia who had been strongly advised not to appoint him because he was “controversial and stubborn and would be difficult to handle”.
But these were the very qualities that Ogbemudia was looking for – not a yes-man but a commissioner who would not be afraid to speak up or criticise him at meetings. Col. Ogbemudia gave him the freehand to carry out a major overhaul of the Education sector in the Mid-West. As a secondary school student at that time myself, I was a witness to some of the transformations that he introduced.
The author describes some of the institutions he established but by far the most outstanding was the establishment of the Mid West Institute of Technology which later became the University of Benin. One of the Faculty buildings in that University is named after him in appreciation.
It is intriguing to read about the politics that was involved in the establishment of the University by the Ogbemudia led Mid-West government including the initial arrangement to get support from the University of Ibadan which reneged, forcing the author as Commissioner for Education, to approach Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) Zaria which gladly and readily offered the needed support to the young University.
ABU admitted the first set of medical students for their pre-clinical training before Uniben was able to establish her own facilities. This chapter offers an interesting history of the University of Benin.
From the Ministry of Education the author was moved to Finance and Establishment. Here he pioneered the idea of Internally Generated Revenue and for this reason he was targeted by accountants and business owners who were averse to the new idea, and was met with threats of physical harm. He now had mobile policemen and military escorts attached to him.
In this same chapter he highlights Ogbemudia’s achievements in sectors under Biafran Army occupation, the atrocities they committed and Ogbemudia’s skills in bringing about reconciliation.
At page 102 he has a section headed – Brig. Gen. Samuel Osaigbovo Ogbemudia: My Friend And My Mentor. This sums up the special bond that existed between these great compatriots.
The Chapter describes how Ogbemudia’s government handled General Gowon’s 3Rs – Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction. At the behest of the Mid-West government the author paid an assessment visit to the University of Nigeria Nsukka and Queen’s College Enugu to ascertain their needs.
Buses and equipment were donated to the University and Queen’s College was massively equipped to the admiration of appreciating students and staff.
I recall that as a student myself at the University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus at the time we got two Marcopolo Luxurious Buses and a Water Tanker.
We, the Mid-West students, were proud of our home state government and earned the respect and affection of fellow students. Beyond this, Chief E. K. Clark moved his own daughter Rebecca from her school, St. Theresa College Ughelli to Queen’s College, Enugu as his own family’s contribution to the reintegration process. What a great man.
Chapter 6: POACHED TO SERVE
This Chapter begins with a description of how Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon became Nigeria’s youngest military Chief of Staff at the age of 31 in January 1966 following a botched military coup led by five Majors and coordinated by Major Kaduna Nzeogwu; leading to the overthrow of the civilian government of Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa.
It recounts how Yakubu Gowon himself escaped being killed by the coupists by divine providence. It describes the short-lived regime of General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi; the counter-coup in July 1966 in which he was killed in Ibadan along with his host Military governor, Lt. Col. Fajuyi and the subsequent emergence of Gowon as Head of State.
The author details his involvement with General Gowon’s administration, visit to Dodan Barracks in company of Col. Ogbemudia, the Aburi Accord, the Civil War followed by “No Victor No Vanquished” policy of Gowon and how he was poached from the Mid-West to be appointed Federal Commissioner (Minister) of Information in January 1975.
This was to fill the vacancy created by the resignation of Chief Anthony Enahoro from that Office.
The chapter details the intrigues in the last days of the Gowon administration, the conspiracies and the author’s bold challenge of General Murtala Mohammed who was openly critical, if not disdainful, of his Boss at the VIP lounge at Ikeja Airport as they awaited their flight to London; the fact that it became an open secret that a coup was in the offing and the eventual overthrow of that government.
For daring to challenge him at the Supreme Military Council and Cabinet meetings (which are further instances of his stubbornness), the author got into trouble in form of political witch-hunt and victimisation with the change of government. On account of his loyalty to Ogbemudia and Gowon his properties and those of his parents in the Mid-West and Lagos were confiscated and forfeited to government.
Chapter 7: POLITICAL WITCH-HUNT AT THE CENTRE
This chapter contains details of the properties in question and the petition and steps taken by the legendary Chief F. R. A. Williams whose services the author engaged. He was clearly a victim of transferred aggression.
General Ibrahim Babangida, having been convinced about the glaring injustice, eventually ordered the release and return of all seized properties to the rightful owners, Chief E. K. Clark and his parents.
Chapter 8: AN ELECTED SENATOR
After the ouster of Gowon’s government, the author returned to his law practice as he had assured Murtala Mohammed that he would. When General Olusegun Obasanjo’s government commenced its transition to civil rule the author became a founding member of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and took part in the National Convention where Alhaji Shehu Shagari emerged as Presidential flag bearer and eventually , President in 1979.
The author ran for Senate in Benin-Delta senatorial zone in 1983 and won easily given that he had laid the foundation for the electoral success over the years. Nevertheless, the elections were marred with violence which he witnessed during campaigns. Regrettably, his tenure in the Senate was cut short after only three months following the coup of 31st December 1983 that terminated the government of Alhaji Shehu Shagari and ushered in General Muhammadu Buhari.
Chapter 9: CORDIAL EXCHANGES WITH THE NORTH DURING THE CIVIL WAR
Here the author recounts instances of cordiality which covers a more extensive period than during the civil war. They include periods both before and after the civil war.
He provides evidence to support the cordial relationship between the peoples of the South-South and the North. These include mutual assistance; political alliances, etc., which put a lie to insinuations that he is “anti-North”.
He details his personal contributions and those of the people of South-South to national unity and cohesion. He restates his often-repeated position on the equality of all Nigerians; Nobody is superior or inferior to the other.
Chapter 10: THE INVASION OF MID-WEST WITHOUT A SHOT
Internal sabotage, he writes, facilitated the easy take-over and over-run of Mid-West by Biafran troops, supported by largely Igbo-speaking Mid-Westerners who took sides with Biafrans, without firing a shot. This generated protests and hostilities against those Mid-Westerners.
He describes how the Military Administrator, Ogbemudia set up a Reconciliation meeting in Uromi which lasted from dusk to dawn. The idea of building a wall to separate the Igbo-speaking part of Mid-West from the other parts was laid to rest.
The author tells an interesting story of one Chief Dafe.
When Ogbemudia assumed office, he met two telegrams – the first congratulating Major Dr. Okonkwo on his appointment as Military Administrator of the Republic of Benin by the Republic of Biafra and the second from the same Chief Dafe, congratulating Ogbemudia on his appointment as Military Administrator after Mid-West had been liberated.
The author then adds – “It would be unfair to blame only Dafe because there are many more Dafes in Nigeria who have the same character”.
Nigerians have coined a name for such people – AGIP, meaning Any Government in Power, is their friend.
Chapter 11: GOWON’S 3R POLICY
Recruitment of Igbo Teachers and Lecturers.
Here the writer recounts his personal contributions towards the rehabilitation, reconciliation, and reintegration of Ibos after the civil war.
Many Igbo teachers who were unemployed at the end of the war were given employment in schools in the Mid-West.
Some Lecturers and Professors at the University of Nigeria that were interested were offered employment at the newly established University of Benin and this included one who went on to become the first Professor of Optometry in Nigeria.
The post war contributions to Queens School Enugu are also treated in greater detail in this chapter.
The author’s account of his contributions to Queen School and the University of Nigeria are corroborated by former students whose accounts are reproduced in pages 175-184.
Chapter 12: MY RELATIONSHIP WITH THE MINORITIES OF THE MIDDLE-BELT, THE NORTH, AND THE WEST
The author reproduces letters in their original form to support his point about his intention in fostering this relationship. With respect to his relationship with the Middle-Belt he cites as an example, the opening of a branch of New Nigeria Bank in Jos, the first outside of the bank headquarters in Benin City.
Establishing this relationship is evidence that he is not anti-North as some erroneously claim.
He debunked the wrong labelling by Professor Ango Abdullahi and Mallam Adamu Ciroma as an attempt to incite/instigate the North against him and against Dr. Goodluck Jonathan.
CHAPTER 13: THE UNIQUE BOND SHARED BY 3 BROTHERS: AND NOW I AM ALONE
This chapter brims with emotion and human frailty.
It portrays the soft side of the author. Here he narrates the close bond he shared with his 2 immediate younger siblings, Amb. B Akporode Clark and Professor Emeritus J.P. Clark, right from their early childhood, growing up, education, career till old age and their death.
The rare affinity among the siblings implanted by their father and forebears is almost palpable. They all had illustrious careers in their different areas and left a mark.
CHAPTER 14: THE CATALYST
The chapter opens with a recollection of the individuals that had lasting influences on the author in his formative years and he recollects their names with apparent ease which is uncommon.
He writes about his two years tenure as President of No. 1 Hans Crescent London which served as a Hostel arranged by the British Council for newly arrived African students and the rivalries amongst mostly Ijaw and Urhobo socio-cultural groups in London, instigated by politicians back home in Nigeria.
He narrates in pages 249-257 how in 1998, through the initiative of Senator Joseph Wayas, an organisation was formed in Port Harcourt which became known as the South-South Peoples Conference. The organisation later evolved to the South South Peoples Assembly (SSPA) and Southern Nigeria Peoples Assembly (SNPA).
They played active roles to support the emergence of a Southern President.
He discusses the intrigues surrounding the quest by Dr. Peter Odili to become President and the eventual emergence of Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan as running mate to Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.
He also discusses the formation of the Congress for Equality and Change and its leadership, the purpose being to bring all the minorities in Nigeria, North and South, together.
The members supported and campaigned for Jonathan’s election in 2011.
They individually suffered a lot of casualties during and after the election but their sacrifices, he says, were not recognised by the President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration, yet they were undeterred.
The author discusses the activities of the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF); efforts toward Restructuring by PANDEF in alliance with other regional bodies such as the Southern and Middle-Belt Forum including the 2014 Constitutional Conference (pp. 273-277). He also refers to the recommendation of the APC Committee on True Federalism led by then governor of Kaduna State Mallam El-Rufai. The author found himself at logger-heads with prominent elders from other parts of the country.
Chapter 15: RESOURCE CONTROL
For the benefit of those who claim that they do not understand the meaning of Resource Control, or deliberately misconstrue it, the author provides illumination. He traces the application of the principle of derivation from 50% under the 1960 and 1963 Constitutions until it was changed by the Gowon administration by Decree 13 of 1970 “with the effect that the bulk of federally collected revenue shifted to the centre” (pp. 281-287).
The author talks here of the “criminal neglect of the Niger Delta” in the creation of States and Local governments; the genesis of agitation for Resource Control arising from a sense of unfair treatment as evidenced by lack of social amenities and infrastructure, lack of contracts including the insensitive and callous disposition of government as well as the fiscal dominance of the Federal government which is at variance with the global best practices on Federalism (pp. 290-292).
To dismiss unjust allegations that he nurses malice against a particular set of people, he writes “I have nothing against the North.
I have a son who is a Muslim and whose mother is from Mubi in Adamawa State. I have lots of friends and acquaintances and associates from the North. I respect them as a people. But the RIGHT thing must be done; equity, fair play, and equality”.
In support of his assertion, he recalls the mutual exchange of teachers and students between the Mid-West and Northern States, one of such students being the immediate past Minister of Education, Mallam Adamu Adamu.
He also adds – “I must say here with emphasis that without the assistance of ABU there could not have been the University of Benin today” (p. 297).
Chapter 16: DISCORD AMONG PEERS
The author refers here to the raging controversy over the ownership of crude oil and other mineral resources; his disagreement with General Olusegun Obasanjo on the subject as expressed in letters exchanged between the two of them. He also refers to differences of views about the principles of True Federalism; Fiscal federalism and Revenue Sharing Formula.
He discusses what he termed Obasanjo’s Third Term bid (pp.337 -339) and the injustices against the South South Geopolotical Zone in the Petroleum industry as is evident in the list of names and top positions in the industry especially NNPC which show lopsidedness against the South South.
The same is true in the allocation of licences for marginal oil and gas fields spanning land, swamp and offshore. He accuses the IOCs and SPDC of bad faith in dealing with host communities. On a note of consolation he writes –
“However, I believe that the building of the 17-storey building of the Local Content (sic) in Yenagoa will hurt (sic-halt) the non-inclusion of the oil producing communities in the Local content law operation” (pp.351-357).
Chapter 17: THE JONATHAN YEARS
This chapter dwells on the process leading to the PDP presidential nomination convention in December 2006 and the role the author played in the nomination of Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan as running mate to Umaru Musa Yar’Adua (p. 386).
Jonathan’s initial response to the offer, he says, was to turn it down since his interest was to focus on how to transform Bayelsa State as governor.
The author insisted – indeed ordered – Jonathan to accept the offer being a rare opportunity for the South-South people that must not be lost. This broke Jonathan’s hesitancy. In due course, reality dawned on him, and he returned to show appreciation.
To the author this was a realisation of his long wish for the day when a minority would be elected to such high office in Nigeria.
Next was the day of inauguration.
“The force of emotion seeing Jonathan walk up to be sworn in was too ferocious for me to hold back these droplets of nature’s emotional drizzle”. What a poetic way to say that he shed tears of joy (p. 391).
The chapter includes the visit to Camp 5 with Vice President Jonathan – a high risk journey as the militants had insisted that they did not want the presence of security personnel. The visit had good effect on the agitators as they were humbled by the presence of the Vice President in their camp.
The Chapter also covers the period of Jonathan as Acting President. It talks about the debacle created when the President Yar’Adua left for hospital in Saudi Arabia without transmitting power to the Vice President as required by section 145 of the 1999 Constitution. He narrates how the Northern Union led by Oloye Senator Olusola Saraki and the Yoruba Leaders of Conscience rallied, in a show of solidarity, to ensure the emergence of Jonathan as Acting President; the resistance by “the Cabal”, high level consultations with the National Assembly leadership, the Doctrine of Necessity and the swearing in of Jonathan as president on 6 May 2010 (p. 398).
The chapter also covers Jonathan’s election as President in 2011, and sundry issues like the removal of fuel subsidy and the role played by various actors in the protests that followed; the abduction of Chibok Girls on 14 April 2014 and the role he played with the involvement of then Comrade Shehu Sani in the efforts to rescue the girls in collaboration with the Swiss Ambassador and the International Red Cross and Red Crescent. Not many people know about these unsung efforts by the author.
CHAPTER 18: THE 2015 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
Here the author writes about the role allegedly played by INEC Chairman, Professor Jega and other Northerners like the PDP National Chairman Alhaji Adamu Muazu to work against Jonathan in favour of General Mohammadu Buhari in the 2015 elections; how Jonathan failed to act on various security reports on plans to compromise the elections. The author writes that at a stage he had reasons to suspect that the President was under a spell.
“He was not fully acting normal and appeared not to be himself but rather under the voodoo or sorcery of those who pretended they were praying for him but in actual fact able to manipulate him into blind obeisance to them”.
The author was surprised to hear that Jonathan had called Gen. Buhari to concede defeat and congratulate him only hours after he had assured him that he would “not hand-over to a product of daylight electoral robbery and malfeasance” (p.428).
CHAPTER 19: A WORLD IN DISARRAY: Freedom Fighters in the Niger Delta
This chapter opens with a repetition of the grievances of Niger Delta people – How the resources within their area are exploited by people from outside the region and how they lost out incrementally in the derivation formula from the position under the 1960 and 1963 Constitutions, the insincerity on the part of SPDC and the IOCs, how these have given rise to restiveness and the emergence of freedom fighters, starting from minority rights activism led by Isaac Jasper Adaka Boro that gave birth to the Niger Delta Volunteer Force. The Chapter discusses the emergence of Ijaw Youth Congress and the Kaiama Declaration in 1998; how the failure of the General Abdulsalami Abubakar government to honour its promises (p.435) resulted in loss of patience and led to militancy, in the form of take-over of oil platforms, holding workers hotage, etc.
Chapter 20: GOVERNORS FORUM AS A THREAT TO THE PEACE AND STABILITY OF THE NATION
The author traces the history of the Nigeria Governors Forum from its formation with H.E. Abdullahi Adamu as the first Chairman, followed by others. The author writes that State governors are “ignorant of their powers under the Federal system of government”.
This is a generalisation that is unsupported by the text that follows. Perhaps what he meant was that most governors do not understand the limits of their powers under our federal system and constitution.
He decries the excesses of the Governors Forum and states that State Governors “have assumed arbitrary and oppressive powers over the states outside the provisions of the Constitution to control state judiciary, state legislature and the State Joint Local Government Account.
He commends state governors in their successful legal challenge of Executive Order 10 whereby President Buhari sought to confer Financial autonomy on Local government councils.
The author is in support of the creation of State Police and the other recommendations of the APC Committee on True Federalism which, he says, are 98% similar to the recommendations of the 2014 Constitutional Conference at which he was a Delegate.
He quotes extensively from a Punch newspaper editorial to substantiate his charge of dereliction of duty by governors and their “iniquities” (p.502).
Chapter 21: A NATION IN SEARCH OF RESTRUCTURING
Here again, the author returns to the subject of Restructuring with a repeat of references to the 2014 Constitutional conference and the El-Rufai Committee reports.
He provides the position of the Ijaw nation on Restructuring and includes the many accomplishments of Ijaw people, as the first to have dealings with Europeans, first to obtain a University degree; and first lawyers and first QCs and SANs. He recounts the major role of Ijaws in the building of Nigeria. He spells out the demands of the Ijaws and their position on the amendment of the constitution (p.519).
He writes – “I am sad (sic: read glad) to note that majority of Nigerians are of the opinion that Nigeria should be restructured and power devolved to the Federating units – so that they can perform their duties creditably”
Chapter 22: BUHARI’S NIGERIA
The chapter starts with Buhari’s previous failed attempts to be elected as President and the coalition of forces that gave him victory in 2015.
The author discusses the shortcomings of Buhari with particular references to his statement during his inauguration as President that he belongs to nobody and belongs to everybody.
This, he says, is contrary to how Buhari actually operated his government. He highlights some of the major weaknesses of the Buhari administration citing the killings in Plateau State, Boko Haram atrocities; the attack on Kaduna airport by terrorists, the Kuje jail break and the killing of a military officer at NDA Kaduna.
He concludes by saying that Buhari failed.
Chapter 23: KLEPTORACY IN OUR SOCIETY: CORRUPTION IN HIGH PLACES
Corruption, the author writes, has eaten deep into the Nigerian society with the involvement of some lawyers, including Attorneys-General. In an interesting interpretation of history, he opines that corruption was introduced to Nigeria by the British Colonial government in their scramble for Africa after the Berlin Conference in 1884.
This they did through traditional Chiefs who acted as their agent. He cites the case of Chief Nana Olomu (Nana of Itsekiri) who was exiled to Accra and HRH Oba Ovonramwen Nogbaisi of Benin, who was exiled to Calabar in 1897. The British, he concluded, handed over corruption to Nigerian leaders.
The author detailed various acts of corruption, including corruption among governors who abuse security votes, Life Pension for governors, nepotism in the utilization of the 13% derivation; over 70% of state revenues being spent on overheads and recurrent expenditure which is unsustainable and the overbloated remuneration for members of the National Assembly. He decries corruption in the judiciary.
He proceeds to made some recommendations; Among them are that a limit should be set to the size of security votes.
But given his strong position on fiscal federalism we will need further explanation as to how and by whom this limit will be imposed and enforced.
Again, he recommends that the 13% derivation fund should be paid to a body specified by the Constitution (p. 551).
There is no indication as to how this body will differ in its operation from NDDC so as to be more transparent.
In my humble opinion for these recommendations to succeed we need more of attitudinal change in our value system which will place less premium on materialism and monetary gains and more on merit.
Outside of government, the writer condemns sundry vices like Yahoo boys and girls, internet fraudsters, 419, Hush Puppy, SARS, and Yahoo-Plus, which involves human rituals.
Chapter 24: LIVING A MEANINGFUL LIFE
This chapter is a summary of the author’s life’s journey already well treated in the preceding chapters.
As he puts it, his has not been simply a fight for Ijaw but rather he has also fought for Igbo, Chibok Girls, and others, He fought against the lopsided appointments under President Buhari. He traces this fighting spirit to his great-grandfather, Chief Ambekederemo whose reincarnation he is.
He is accepted as leader of Southern and Middle-Belt Forum and also by some members of the Northern Elders Forum led by Alhaji Tanko Yakassai.
His “prayer to God is to see to the restructuring of Nigeria where every citizen is equal and can aspire to be President; and where ethnicity and religion will no longer play the mischievous roles they are currently playing in this country.
I will therefore continue to pursure those dreams until the day I board my flight out of this realm” (p. 583).
“I am a firm believer in the oneness of Nigeria and also convinced that education should be a unifying factor” (p. 584). He has demonstrated this, beginning in 1947 as a pupil teacher in Okrika, and now proprietor of Edwin Clark University, Kiagbodo, which is rated as one of the top ranking Universities in Nigeria.
For his services to the nation and humanity the author has been conferred with numerous awards and honours; the highest being Order of the Federal Republic (OFR) bestowed on him by President Obasanjo and Commander of the Niger (CON) bestowed by President Yar’Adua.
Chapter 25: PEOPLE’S PERCEPTION OF ME
This final chapter opens with a reproduction of the author‘s detailed CV.
He adds – “I have no doubt offended some people and pleased others that must have received some goodness from me, because as a human being I am not perfect; I have my weaknesses and my strengths” (p 591). How humbling coming from a man of 96.
Who would not oblige him with forgiveness?
His CV is followed by a letter from General Gowon at the author’s 90th birthday.
Among several other compliments he was described in the letter as “brutally frank”.
If anyone was wondering how the title of the Autobiography came about, search no further.
There are also letters of goodwill from former Heads of State General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, among several other prominent Nigerians.
CONCLUSION
BRUTALLY FRANK makes very interesting reading.
The author’s clear memory and recollection of dates, names, places and events is impressive and phenomenal. This could partly be attributed to good record keeping.
The book is not without flaws, though minor, many of them typo and spelling such as “constant tenants” instead of “customary tenants (p. 64), “Justice Omo-Eboh” written as “Omoibo” (p. 159) and “Awkunanaw” written as “Okunanu”” (p. 167). At times, the language is intemperate such as using the word “stupid” (p.359).
This is obviously in anger but not appropriate in a book.
The most serious shortcoming is the author’s copious reproduction, reference to and reliance on the statements and opinions of other people many of which may be unreliable and unverifiable.
An example of this is at page 559 where he quotes in extenso excerpts from Mallam El-Rufai’s book The Accidental Public Servant. In the relevant portion the author refers to a discussion at Aso Villa between President Obasanjo, Senate President Ken Nnamani and others as they mulled the idea of stopping live television broadcast of the Senate debate of the Third Term. Chief Tony Anenih is quoted to have said that he will get Professor Osunbor to move the motion. He went on –
“The following day, we learnt that Professor Osunbor went to the clerk of the Senate and asked that a motion be raised of urgent national importance, with no topic.
This allowed – any senator can move to table a motion of “urgent national importance” with no further detail. The clerk put the motion in the order paper.
On the appointed day, Professor Osunbor fell miraculously ill and had to be admitted to hospital, so there was nobody to raise the motion”.
This is pure fiction and fallacious.
First, it is the prerogative of the President of Senate to decide whether to allow a motion of urgent national importance and if satisfied, would direct the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Rules and Business to put it on the Order Paper. The Clerk of Senate has nothing to do with it.
At any rate, a motion on the modality of Senate Debate will be a matter of PRIVILEGE which can be raised by any Senator without notice at anytime and once the relevant Order has been invoked it cannot be refused and must be allowed by the Senate-President, much less the clerk of Senate.
At no time have I fallen miraculously ill and from 1999 when I entered Senate till date, I have never been admitted to any hospital. Importing such falsehoods into a book diminishes its quality.
All in all, BRUTALLY FRANK is an excellent literary work, rich in political history (ancient and contemporary) of Nigeria. It deserves to be in every library as an invaluable reservoir of knowledge. The finishing is good and the memorable pictures which adorn some 35 pages speak more than a thousand words.
Oh, there is a big omission. The author tells us that his great-grandfather had 100 wives, his grandfather had 40 and his father had 7 but he was silent on the number of wives he himself has married. Maybe he is still counting.
I congratulate our courageous leader, the author, for writing this great work, at 96. I recommend the book to all.